Chris Hedges Q and A "Fascism in the Age of Trump" (Video)
I am obviously for nonviolence but I am for noncooperation and obstruction of those forces that are trying without exaggeration trying to kill us.
I am obviously for nonviolence but I am for noncooperation and obstruction of those forces that are trying without exaggeration trying to kill us.
I am obviously for nonviolence but I am for noncooperation and obstruction of those forces that are trying without exaggeration trying to kill us.
We need to be historically and social-structurally specific about where real power lies if we want to get to the root of contemporary evils.
We need to be historically and social-structurally specific about where real power lies if we want to get to the root of contemporary evils.
...contrary to common opinion, violence has been steadily decreasing by a number of measures for several millennia.
All effective forms of protest are illegal until they succeed.
Sanders supporters should not get disillusioned. It may seem easy to forget, but the primary goal of the Sanders' campaign was not the presidency, but a "political revolution." Winning an election was a goal, to be sure, but "revolution" was the goal.
Swanson: I remain convinced that the media is keeping Sanders and Trump around for ratings and will destroy them as soon as it chooses, and never chooses to do such a thing as early as the December of the year before the election. In part, I attribute a lot more power to the media in general than [Ted] Rall may.
Hedges: Resistance will be local. It will be militant. It will defy the rules imposed by the corporate state. It will turn its back on state and NGO environmental organizations. And it will not stop until corporate power is destroyed or we are destroyed.
Giroux: The current historical moment calls for a politics that is transnational in its scope, global in its sense of responsibility and capable of creating new democratic public spheres in which it becomes possible to show private troubles can be connected to larger social issues, and public connections and modes of solidarity can be sustained beyond the private sphere. Only then will the promise and possibility of creating a radical global commons in the service of a radical democracy come into view.
That ruling classes can still be constrained by political and moral costs tells us something of profound positive importance. Today, revolutionary politics must be resolutely non-violent — the goal of movements for fundamental social change can no longer be to overthrow the state by force, but to overwhelm the state’s legitimacy through organizing a gigantic, More